It's unclear yet whether this is a masterstroke or something done under political compulsion. But one thing is true: the time for a caste census has come. Definitely, credit should be given to Rahul Gandhi for consistently and vociferously raising the issue and bringing it to the centre of India's discourse despite being mocked, ridiculed, humiliated and abused by the forces inimical to the politics of social justice. Of course, in the recent past, the idea was first floated by Nitish Kumar. But the demand for a caste census is as old as the formation of the Kaka Kalelkar commission, and it was subsequently supported by the Mandal commission, too. Now, the big question is, how will the announcement change the politics of the country? And, will it prove to be an antidote to the religion-centric politics of the day?
A Watershed Moment
In this writer's opinion - shared by his friend Dr Laxman Yadav - the announcement for conducting a caste census is arguably the third-most momentous event in the direction of making India an equitable society. The first was the adoption of the Constitution, which, with one stroke of the pen, planted the seeds of equality in a society hitherto based on civilisational hierarchy. Within the four walls of the Constitution, every citizen became equal in the eyes of the law irrespective of caste; whether Brahmin or Shudra, everyone was ordained the same rights and duties. However, outside the pages of the Constitution, India was still a deeply caste-ridden and prejudiced society. The Constitution gave us Indians legal equality and liberty, but fraternity was a far cry for those who were born in OBC (Other Backward Classes) groups or as Dalits. They were routinely discriminated against despite the Constitution. Reservations for Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) groups were deeply resented by those who, for thousands of years, enjoyed the fruits of privileges by the accident of their birth.
The Constitution did succeed in breaking the shackles of caste prejudice to some extent. What it also did was spawn a revolution from below, creating a new consciousness among the discriminated class and making them realise that since they are more in number, they should also have a greater share in the country's power structure, and more respect in society. It was this consciousness that pushed for change aggressively and ultimately led former Prime Minister V.P. Singh to implement the recommendations of the Mandal Commission, providing 27% reservation to OBCs, too, in 1990. This, then, was the second-most momentous event in India's social justice movement.
A 'Hindu' Consciousness
The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) tried to counter this with their Hindutva project. The Ram Mandir movement was an exercise to create a bigger religious consciousness and make every member of Hindu society realise that they are Hindu first, and a Brahmin-Kshatriya-Vaishya-Shudra later. The BJP did succeed at achieving this, but only partly, primarily because this movement was driven by the upper caste as a revolt against subaltern or Mandal politics. In a state like Uttar Pradesh, more than 80% of upper caste voters have backed the BJP since 2014.
But the wheels of social justice were moving fast. Mandal politics ignited a fiery discourse amongst the downtrodden, on questions like why power should be concentrated only among a few. This gave birth to many caste-based parties. Leaders like Mulayam Singh Yadav, Lalu Yadav, Sharad Yadav, Nitish Kumar, Kanshiram, Mayawati and Ram Vilas Paswan, among others, emerged as the champions of this new political landscape overnight, while Uttar Pradesh and Bihar became battlegrounds for power politics. And, since Congress had no strategy to counter this change, it eventually was reduced to just a fringe player in these states.
The BJP, on the other hand, tried its best to navigate Mandal politics via social engineering. Leaders like Kalyan Singh, Uma Bharti, Shivraj Singh Chauhan, etc, were promoted in the party and given powerful positions. However, still guided mainly by Hindutva, the BJP was reluctant to share power with these leaders beyond a point.
The Emergence Of Rahul
Amidst this shifting landscape, Rahul Gandhi, who understood that unless the Congress discovered a new social base, it would be difficult for it to regain its pole position in Indian politics, steadily emerged as a powerful voice for the caste census. The OBCs constitute more than 50% of India's population, and, along with Dalits, STs and backward classes among Muslims, they make up more than 80% of the country's population. In targeting this big chunk of the electorate through a caste census, Rahul was also trying to change India's political fabric by constructing a parallel ideological paradigm vis-à-vis Hindutva.
As the clamour for a caste census got louder with leaders like Rahul, Akhilesh Yadav, and Tejashwi Yadav, the BJP and the RSS grew jittery, too. The results of the 2024 general election came as the first jolt that convinced the ruling party's leadership that if Rahul was not countered fast and soon, then the juggernaut of a caste census would damage the Hindutva project. Interestingly, much before Modi announced a caste census, the RSS had already conceded that such an enumeration was needed. At its meeting in Palakkad, Kerala, it was agreed that a caste survey should be done for welfare measures, not politics. Perhaps the reason for this climbdown was a realisation that without social justice, no Hindu unity was possible.
A Step, A Leap
A caste census is barely the end of this social movement. The Congress in its 2024 election manifesto had demanded not only the implementation of this census but also that the ceiling of 50% reservation should be changed, and that even in the private sector, reservations should be introduced. Whether these demands will be addressed remains to be seen. In his book Annihilation of Caste, Ambedkar wrote, "In my opinion, it is only when Hindu society becomes a casteless society, that it can hope to have strength enough to defend itself." Hindu unity is possible only when every member of Hindu society is treated equally. Caste census is only a step that will help Hindu society take a much bigger leap.
(The author is co-founder of SatyaHindi and author of 'Reclaiming Bharat' and 'Hindu Rashtra')
Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author
